Academy of Ideas

This podcast was recorded at the Battle of Ideas festival at the Barbican in London on Sunday 21 October, 2012 From Boris Island to the Dale Farm gypsies, no building project seems too big or small to fall foul of the UK’s notoriously stringent planning laws, which sometimes seem to exist to prevent development rather than manage it. In contrast to China, which delivers new development equivalent to a country the size of Greece every six months, the UK planning system seems to be in a permanent state of denial. The Thames Gateway, High Speed Rail 2, Heathrow’s third runway, Battersea Power Station redux, Green Belt housing and even Eco-Towns have all run up against a wall. Perhaps the biggest issue is in housing, where building languishes at the lowest levels since the First World War. By some estimates, five million people are waiting on housing registers. According to Shelter, the younger generation bears the brunt with a fifth of 18- to 34-year-olds living with their parents because they can’t afford to rent or buy a home. At Inside Housing, Colin Wiles argues the need to build three million new homes on greenfield land in the next 20 years. But few others seem willing to countenance actually increasing housing stock. The charity Intergenerational Foundation argues the problem is ‘under-occupation’ and that elderly people should be encouraged to move out of their ‘big houses’ to make room for larger families. Eight ‘radical solutions’ to the housing crisis discussed on the BBC News website included curbing population growth, forcing landlords to sell or let empty properties, and banning second homes. Meanwhile, the likes of the National Trust, the Countryside Alliance and the Campaign to Protect Rural England campaign against any liberalisation of planning. More broadly, many people distrust developers, fearing they will scar the countryside and destroy our architectural heritage. Some ask why has planning lost its way and what happened to the big visionary plans of the past. David Cameron wants us to rediscover how ‘to build for the future with as much confidence and ambition as the Victorians once did’. But will cutting ‘red tape’ and simplifying the system be enough? Does the new ‘presumption in favour of sustainable development’ merely reinforce the ‘green tape’ that is already a barrier to development? What are the smart ways to deliver good urban development? Is the solution better top-down planning, more bottom-up planning, or something else altogether? Speakers Professor Kelvin Campbellmanaging director, Urban Initiatives; author, Massive Small: the operating system for smart urbanismPenny Lewislecturer, Scott Sutherland School of Architecture, Robert Gordon University; co-founder, AE FoundationPaul Minersenior planning officer, Campaign to Protect Rural EnglandDaniel MoylanThe Mayor of London's Aviation Adviser; Conservative councillor, Royal Borough of Kensington and ChelseaChristine Murrayeditor, The Architects' JournalChair: Michael Owens commercial director, Bow Arts Trust; owner, London Urban Visits; formerly, head of development policy, London Development Agency

Despite the economic crisis, art in Greece is booming. By 2015, new museums and cultural organisations are scheduled to open their doors to the public, many of them privately funded rather than state-run as in the past. As Greek classical orchestras and opera companies find themselves in a bleak financial situation due to government spending cuts, private funding seems to have offered a way out. At the same time, non-traditional venues such as Syntagma Square’s metro station and airplane flights have been used as opera stages, in an effort to promote it to new audiences. Yet the question of how opera, along with other elite art forms such as classical music and theatre, can and should be made more accessible to all is a fraught one. Some argue, for example, that the key lies in demystifying some of opera’s difficulty by incorporating elements from popular culture and emphasising its contemporary socio-political relevance. Yet others warn that such an approach risks alienating current and potential audiences who are attracted to art precisely because it is so strange and diverts us from everyday concerns. They argue that the opera world – especially critics - should certainly focus their energies on inspiring and explaining opera’s virtues for the curious, while accepting that The Ring Cycle isn’t for everyone. Can such projects – whether privately or state funded - really be justified when they bring little obvious benefit to most Greeks, especially in a period of economic crisis? What emphasis should performers and critics place on making opera more accessible versus making judgments on purely artistic grounds? Does opera, or any other ‘difficult’ art form, by definition need to be held to different standards of accessibility than popular culture? Speakers Dr Eugenia Arsenis director; dramaturg, Center for Contemporary Opera, New York Dolan Cummings associate fellow, Institute of Ideas; editor, Debating Humanism; co-founder, Manifesto Club Dr Nikos Dontas head, Dramaturgy Department, Greek National Opera; music critic, Kathimerini Dimitrios Kiousopoulos historian; columnist, Eleftherotypia Ioannis Tselikas assistant professor, Hellenic American University; music editor and performer Chair Alan Miller co-director, NY Salon; co-founder, London's Truman Brewery; partner, Argosy Pictures Film Company Produced by Geoff Kidder director, membership and events, Institute of Ideas; convenor, IoI Book Club; IoI’s resident expert in all sporting matters Ira Papadopoulou director of cultural affairs, Hellenic American Union Dr Nikos Sotirakopoulos assistant lecturer in sociology, University of Kent

Recorded on Saturday 19 October, 2013. as part of the School Fights strand at the Battle of Ideas festival  The place of independent schools in Britain’s education landscape has never been so intensely debated. According to Martin Stephen, former high master of St Paul’s School, two of the three main political parties hate independent schools ‘to the core of their being’, while the Conservatives are run by so many public schoolboys that they cannot afford to extend ‘the merest hand of friendship’ to such schools without being caricatured by the media. But do private schools protest too much about ‘posh prejudice’? The 7% of pupils who attend fee-paying schools go on to dominate Oxbridge places and elite professions such as law, the media and science. Are those who defend private schools prepared to defend the perpetuation of such inequality on the grounds of individual freedom? Or is it not true that independent schools are full of ‘toffs’ when a third of pupils in schools in the Headmasters’ and Headmistresses’ Conference (of independent schools) have bursary support? Might the growing popularity of private schools be an indictment of failing comprehensive schools? Is it right that parents who make sacrifices for their children’s education are made to feel such an outlay is morally questionable? Is it necessarily wrong to pay for education? And when so many politicians across the political divide have enjoyed the benefits of a private education, from Eton boys David Cameron, Oliver Letwin and Boris Johnson to supposed class warriors Ed Balls, Harriett Harman and Chuka Umunna, it is hypocritical of them to distance themselves from the independent sector and seek to undermine it? Is opposition to private schools motivated as much by a stale left-wing prejudice against aspiration as a real commitment to public provision? What if one values both equality and choice? Are these ideals hopelessly incompatible when it comes to the debate about private education? And where do new models of schooling that combine private and public provisions, such as Free Schools and Academies, fit into the debate? Is opposition to private schools just part of a more general hostility to private institutions? Or is it essential to forging a fair education system that benefits all pupils? Speakers Professor James Conroy Dean for European Engagement and professor of philosophical and religious education, University of Glasgow Fiona Millar columnist, Guardian, co-founder, Local Schools Network David Perks principal, East London Science School; author, What is science education for?; co-author, Sir Richard Sykes Review of school examinations and A defence of subject-based education Dr Martin Stephen director of education, GEMS UK; former high Master, St Paul's School Chair Kevin Rooney Politics teacher and head of social science, Queen's School, Bushey; blogger at Fans for Freedom

Recorded on Sunday 21 October, 2012 For many years, the only hybrid human/animal embryos that could be legally created in the UK were those resulting from fertilising a hamster’s egg with a man’s sperm, as a means of testing male fertility. In 2008, it became legal to create all manner of hybrid human/animal embryos for research purposes, provided that such embryos were destroyed within two weeks of their creation. 2012 saw the establishment of a new £5.8million Centre for Mitochondrial Research at Newcastle University, to develop techniques for preventing the transmission of debilitating mitochondrial disease. But these techniques cannot be tested in clinical trials without a change in the law, and the government has commissioned a ‘public dialogue’ on the issue. Some object that mitochondrial-exchange techniques involve the creation of children with ‘three parents’, while others claim that this objection misunderstands the relevant science. Those involved in such debates are familiar with the ‘yuck factor’ - the instinctive revulsion said to be felt by many, whenever the natural order of things is interfered with. The yuck factor is an obstacle often negotiated by appeal to scientific evidence, with tensions defused by incorporating ethics committees and ethical considerations into the practice and regulation of biomedicine. But while such procedures address the feelings prompted by scientific advances, they also result in substantive moral objections being either condescendingly dismissed as the irrational ‘yuck’ reaction, or subordinated to the scientistic framework of ‘evidence’. There seems to be scant room for more moral or political arguments, either in favour of, or in opposition to, biomedical progress. This raises the question of how developments in biomedicine are understood and debated by the public, and whether the public has any meaningful input. By definition, there is no direct public input into scientific research (which is specialised work evaluated by means of peer review), but biomedical policy is supposedly developed under the auspices of the broader democratic process. Such policy affects not only the application of research once it has been conducted, but – if research techniques are contentious, for example if they involve the use of human embryos – whether the research is permitted to proceed at all, much less receive public funds. How are these decisions arrived at? What role do democracy, morality and a grasp of the actual science play in the process? Speakers:Professor David Jonesdirector, Anscombe Bioethics Centre; co-editor, Chimera's Children: Ethical, Philosophical and Religious Perspectives on Human-Nonhuman ExperimentationProfessor Robin Lovell-Badgehead, stem cell biology and developmental genetics, National Institute for Medical ResearchKen MacLeodaward-winning science fiction writer; author, Descent, The Restoration Game and Intrusion; writer-in-residence, MA Creative Writing, Edinburgh Napier University 2013-2014Güneş Taylorresearcher, University of Oxford; MSci, Human GeneticsChair: Sandy Starr communications officer, Progress Educational Trust; webmaster, BioNews

Recorded on Sunday 21 October 2013 at the Battle of Ideas festival at the Barbican in London ‘Ideas are the cogs that drive history, and understanding them is half way to being aboard that powerful juggernaut rather than under its wheels’. AC Grayling Society seems woefully lacking in Big Ideas, and we seem to crave new thinking. In Britain, great hopes rest on the legacy of the Olympics, but however inspiring the sporting excellence we all witnessed, is it realistic that a summer of feel-good spectacle can resolve deep-rooted cultural problems, from widespread disdain for competitition to community fragmentation? In America, Mitt Romney has pledged to pit substantial ideas against the empty ‘yes, we can’ sloganeering of Barack Obama, with his running mate Paul Ryan dubbed the ‘intellectual’ saviour of the Republican Party, but can they really deliver? Europe, once the home of Enlightenment salons, is now associated more with EU technocrats than philosophes. Looking to the intellectual legacy of the past is considered out of pace with an ever-changing world. We seem estranged from ideas associated with important moments in history - the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, the American and French Revolutions. Can even a basic idea like free will survive the challenges of neuroscience and genetics? When the internet offers information at the click of a mouse, what’s the point of pedagogy? Some contend intellectual life has rarely been healthier; after all today’s governments appoint economists, philosophers and scientific advisers to positions of influence, and the fashion for evidence-based policy puts a premium on academic research. Nevertheless, the emphasis is on ‘what works’ utility and short-term impact rather than open-ended, risky ideas. Often data is passed off as Truth, and Socratic dialogue replaced by rows over conflicting evidence. The scramble for the next Big Idea seems to have replaced the creative and painstaking development of ideas. It’s as though serious ideas can be conjured up in brainstorming sessions or critical-thinking classes. But think-tanks kite-flying the latest outside-of-the-box, blue-skies-thinking speak more to pragmatism and opportunism than following in the tradition of Plato. Ideas become free-floating, divorced from their origins, and take on any meaning one cares to ascribe to them. Hence freedom can mean protection, its defence leading to illiberal regulations; equality can mean conformity and sameness; tolerance becomes a coda for indifference, and individualism denotes little more than selfishness. Where apparently novel concepts catch on, from sustainability to fairness, identity to offence, they are often little more than fashionable sound-bites. Other ideas are even described as dangerous; those who espouse the ‘wrong’ ideas branded as modern-day heretics. But can we ever hope to approach the truth if we stifle dissent? Is intellectual life on the wane? Is it conservative to cling to old ideas, or if we don’t stand on the shoulders of giants, are we doomed to stand still ? Might truth seeking be more important than the Truth?Speakers:Andrew Keenentrepreneur; founder, Audiocafe.com; author, Digital Vertigo: how today's online social revolution is dividing, diminishing, and disorienting usProfessor Ivan KrastevChairman of the Centre for Liberal Strategies in Sofia; permanent fellow at the Institute for Human Sciences in ViennaDr Ellie Leereader in social policy, University of Kent, Canterbury; director, Centre for Parenting Culture StudiesRob Riemenwriter and cultural philosopher; founder president, Netherlands-based Nexus Institute; author, Nobility of Sprit: a forgotten ideal and The Eternal Return of FascismChair: Claire Fox director, Institute of Ideas; panellist, BBC Radio 4's Moral Maze

Free will is at the root of our notions of moral responsibility, choice and judgment. It is at the heart of our conception of the human individual as an autonomous end in himself. Nevertheless, free will is notoriously hard to pin down. Philosophers have denied its existence on the basis that we are determined by the laws of nature, society or history, insisting there is no evidence of free will in the iron chain of cause and effect. Theologians have argued everything happens according to the will of God, not man. And yet, when we decide we want something and act on that, it certainly seems as if we are choosing freely. Are we just kidding ourselves? Some of the most profound contemporary challenges to the idea of free will come from neuroscientists, evolutionary psychologists and biologists. They argue we are effectively programmed to act in certain ways, and only feel as if we make choices. Some argue, for example, that we can easily be nudged into certain types of behaviour if only the right stimuli are applied. It is widely believed that advertising can make us buy things we don’t need or even want. Stronger forms of this reasoning can be found in the idea that early intervention, usually before the age of three, can determine the sort of adult a child will grow up to be. Without such intervention, we are told, their future will be determined by genetics, by their environment, by the way their parents treat them. Nevertheless, common sense still gives strong support to the idea that we have free will. We understand there are relatively large areas of our lives in which it makes sense to say we could have acted differently, with correspondingly different results. The law recognises this too: it is no defence to say you stole because your parents were cruel to you. We feel remorse at opportunities we could have taken but did not. And we do sometimes choose to do the right thing even against our own interests: in extreme cases some even lay down their lives for others and for ideals. Jean-Paul Sartre argued, ‘the coward makes himself cowardly, the hero makes himself heroic; and that there is always a possibility for the coward to give up cowardice and for the hero to stop being a hero’. Is the idea that we might be born cowards, or heroes, an excuse for not facing up to our moral responsibilities? Or is free will really an illusion, the by-product of a vain belief that we are all special? Speakers:Joe Friggieri professor of philosophy and former head of department, University of Malta; poet; playwright; theatre director; three-times winner, National Literary PrizeDr Daniel Glaser head, special projects, public engagement, Wellcome Trust; honorary senior research fellow, Institute of Cognitive Neuroscience, University College LondonNeal Lawson chair, Compass; author, All Consuming; former adviser to Gordon Brown; co-editor, Progressive CenturyDr Ellie Lee reader in social policy, University of Kent, Canterbury; director, Centre for Parenting Culture Studies Chair: Angus Kennedy convenor, The Academy; author, Being Cultured: in defence of discriminationRecorded on Sunday 21 October 2012 at the Battle of Ideas Festival at the Barbican in London.