Al Jazeera Correspondent

Details surrounding the political assassination of Ibrahim al-Hamdi, president of North Yemen, in 1977 are stranger than fiction. Al-Hamdi, viewed by many as a reformer and modernist, came to power in a bloodless coup in June 1974 at a time when Yemen was divided into two countries: North Yemen, where al-Hamdi was president and Marxist South Yemen. As a moderniser, al-Hamdi pushed for Yemeni unification and was due to travel to Aden to meet with his southern counterpart in October 1977. Two days before that meeting was due to take place, al-Hamdi was invited to lunch at the home of his army commander Ahmed al-Ghashmi. On arrival, al-Hamdi was taken past the dignitaries and brought to a room where on the floor lay the body of his brother. According to an eyewitness, al-Hamdi was then murdered at the scene. The exact details of his death remain a mystery. Some claim he was shot dead in a drive-by shooting. A more lurid account places al-Hamdi's body and that of his brother alongside those of two young French women, who some speculate may have been spies, high class escorts, or both. While nobody was ever charged with the murder, the list of suspects included two future Yemeni presidents, tribal enemies opposed to al-Hamdi's erosion of their power and forces loyal to neighbouring Saudi Arabia, who vigorously denied involvement in the murder. The assassination of al-Hamdi still resonates today. More than 40 years on, his family and supporters still search for answers. And with few witnesses left alive, calls for accountability and closure are more pressing than ever. Yemen: The Last Lunch traces the events leading up to Ibrahim al-Hamdi's murder and how his death steered the course of a country deeply divided. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Haiti was the first black republic in the 19th century, created by a revolution that overthrew slavery maintained by French colonial rule. But independence came at a cost, and Haiti had to pay billions in compensation which left the country bankrupt since its creation. Added to the nation's bankruptcy, high levels of inequality and poverty have persisted over the years, and political attempts to fight corruption have not ended well. Jean Bertrand Aristide, the country's first democratically-elected president in 1994, was removed from office twice when he confronted the country's elite. In 2010, a powerful 7.0 earthquake left the country destroyed and killed between 200,000 and 300,000 people. The earthquake left over 1.5 million people displaced and the international community saw the disaster as an opportunity to rethink foreign aid. But little has changed in Haiti, a decade after the devastating earthquake. Haiti's President Jovenel Moise talks to Al Jazeera about reconstruction efforts and what is next for the country. "We must not confuse the post-earthquake crisis with the socio-economic crisis that we are currently going through in Haiti. The socio-economic crisis is a permanent crisis.The state we have today is a predatory state that is governed by a few corrupt oligarchs who seek to control the key areas of development," Moise explains. Over $13bn were pledged to help Haiti recover from the earthquake. But only half of that money was released, according to the UN, and Haitians only received half of the money they were promised by donors led by the United States. Much of the funds were spent on short-term programmes to assist people with food, water and healthcare. "This money should have been spent on building villages around Port-au-Prince, villages which would provide homes for I would say, tens of thousands of families. In terms of results, no reconstruction has actually taken place and I am someone who believes in lasting structural development," says Moise. Last year thousands took to the streets to protest against corruption, demanding the resignation of President Jovenel Moise. "Today it is as if I am being crucified, people are shouting: 'Crucify him! Crucify him! Crucify him!'," Moise says arguing that he has been fighting against corruption despite the accusations from protesters. Moise was mentioned in a corruption scandal involving the PetroCaribe fund, a strategic oil alliance signed with Venezuela where Haiti, the poorest country in the Americas, bought subsidised oil from Venezuela. The Haitian government was supposed to use the extra money for social programmes and to advance the economy. But billions from the fund were embezzled by those in charge and President Moise was mentioned in a 600-page investigation. "I was placed on a cross and I descended from it to talk to the people to tell them that is was not my aim to work against them and now the people are beginning to understand," he says. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Filmmaker: Sameh Mejri The Shame of my Name is the story of how some Algerians during the colonial period were forced to change their names by French colonial authorities at the time. Many of the names these Algerians were forced to carry hold demeaning and even vulgar meanings. The burden of these forced names is still carried by some Algerians to this day. The names were in the local Algerian Arabic dialect and cover a range of vulgar words, including descriptions of bodily functions and genitalia. In this film, we meet several of these individuals whose families were forced to carry names which translate as "Arse," "Runny Nose" and even more offensive monikers. One contributor finds her name so offensive that she cannot bring herself to utter it. She has since changed her name. “I go home and rest my head on the pillow. I pray to God to rid me of that ugly name which had become a curse in my everyday life,” Messaoud Bakhti tells Al Jazeera. Bakhti’s forefathers were forcibly called "Gahroum" which in the Algerian dialect means "Arse" - a name having nothing to do with the heritage of his ancestors. In 1882, 50 years after the French colonisation of Algeria, the French introduced the Civil Status Law. This allowed the authorities to impose approved names on Algerians arbitrarily. The decree stated that names would be in the “European style”, with a first name followed by the family name, which was quite different from traditional Muslim names. But beyond this, the law was frequently interpreted by some officials in ways that demeaned and insulted Algerians. And assigning European-style names to Algerians, whether offensive or not, had another important side effect. It muddied the waters of land ownership, making it difficult for some Algerians to prove their rightful title to their land. All of which means that now the spotlight is on France, with many Algerians saying that it is the responsibility of the French government and theirs alone, to pick up the pieces of this particular French colonial policy. Some say a full apology is long overdue and that reparations should be paid. “Yes, the French colonisers are responsible for this. But I also believe post-independent Algeria is responsible too,” Amel Ali Lhadfi, a former victim of obscene naming, says. She believes Algerian authorities could make it easy to settle this problem if they wanted to or at least the process should not take such a long time. "Whoever decides to change their name has to realise it may take 10 years.” - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

With Libya's civil war now in its sixth year, world leaders gathered at a summit in Berlin in an attempt to restore stability and peace to Libya. The summit was aimed at a stronger commitment from world powers and regional actors to non-interference in the oil-rich North African state and to genuinely support a fragile ceasefire. All participating parties pledged to respect a UN-imposed arms embargo that has so far failed to stop an influx of troops, money and weapons to the country. Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj, who leads the internationally recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) based in Tripoli, and renegade military commander Khalifa Haftar, who heads the eastern-based Libyan National Army (LNA), attended the talks, but not in the same room. "The main cause of the Libyan crisis is the hostile foreign interventions," Fayez al-Sarraj told Al Jazeera in an exclusive interview. "Violations to the arms embargo have been taking place for years. This is what led the opposition to believe that they have military power and pushed them away from finding a political solution. This is because of its excessive military and security support." Al-Sarraj says a political solution is the only way to end the conflict and that they don't want to become "another Syria or a source of conflict or a proxy war on Libyan soil". "We know that some countries, including Russia, have interests and ambitions in Libya ... We wonder why the UAE is building a military base in eastern Libya, sending its planes and supporting one side at the expense of the other ... It is not correct to recognise a party and then support the other party the way they are doing it." "Libya, in its current situation, leads to security problems and terrorism, uncontrolled borders and violence. This can impact neighbouring countries, too," he warned. "Everyone is now talking about stopping the flow of arms to Libya. We hope that this will be the last conference. And hopefully, the Libyan crisis will finally be resolved." Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj talks to Al Jazeera about the Berlin summit, foreign interference in Libya and his hopes for the future. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

In January 2019, Juan Guaido, the almost unknown president of Venezuela's opposition-controlled national assembly took his country and the world by surprise: Guaido declared himself interim president of Venezuela. The justification was that President Nicolas Maduro was not a legitimately elected leader but an usurpator and dictator. Venezuelans, desperate for economic and political change, rushed to show their support. And with the US leading the charge, nearly 60 countries followed suit. But 12 months later, the promise of political change seems to have evaporated. With help from China, Russia, Iran and others Maduro has circumvented harsh economic sanctions meant to force him out. Negotiations to allow new presidential elections have failed miserably, as has Guaido's appeal to the army to support regime change. Maduro has retaliated by arresting or exiling scores of opponents. Driven by worsening poverty and hyperinflation, disheartened Venezuelans have joined the unprecedented exodus of millions of their compatriots to neighbouring countries. On January 5, soldiers surrounded parliament to block Guaido's reelection as speaker of the house while the pro-government minority named someone of its choosing. While much of the international community calls the latest conflict escalation a sham, and continues to recognise Guaido as the leader of Venezuela's only independent institution, the crisis seems to be reaching a new tipping point. And the possibility of regime change seems like a very distant possibility. So, what is next for Guaido and Venezuela? Has Guaido underestimated Maduro's resilience? And how can Guaido stop the military-based government from consolidating its power? - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Filmmakers: Mohammad Amr and Nasser Farghaly Al Jazeera World with a series of films titled Arabs Abroad sources emigration success stories from all parts of the world. This film documents two Arabs abroad whose life and work reflects people with disabilities. The Paralympian Abderrahman Ait Khamouch represents his adopted country Spain as a Paralympic athlete, gaining accolades and awards including three Olympic silver medals. His story begins several hundred kilometres to the south, with a traumatic childhood accident in the small Moroccan village where he was raised. He was just eight years old when his right arm was burned by a bonfire, after which he jumped into a well to quell the pain. He suffered a severe fracture and infection which resulted in his arm being amputated. “When the doctor saw me, he told my brother I had just 24 hours to live. That night, the doctor amputated my right arm,” Abderrahman Ait Khamouch tells Al Jazeera. As a young adult, Ait Khamouch migrated to Spain in a small boat along with 40 other people. He later became a world-class long-distance runner, despite facing challenges finding work as a person with a disability. “I was motivated by the goal of helping my family in the village of Melaab. I also wanted to prove to myself that one day I could be successful and to show the others I could do it.” The Bone Maker Dr Hala Zreiqat is a Jordanian living in Sydney, Australia’s biggest city. She has become a world leader in regenerative medicine, designing synthetic bone implants using 3D printing. She uses cutting-edge technology and ceramic material to create bone implants which have been successfully tested in animals. Human trials of her 3D printed bones are just around the corner. “My ultimate goal is to see our inventions used by people so that humanity can benefit from our work,” Zreiqat tells Al Jazeera. Her work reflects the future of 3D printing technology that may include better treatment options for millions of people around the world. Zreiqat is Professor of Biomedical Engineering at The University of Sydney in Australia and has earned recognition in her adopted country. In 2018, Zreiqat was named New South Wales Woman of the Year for her outstanding contribution to medical research. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

The Middle East peace process is a term that has been used by world leaders time and time again. It refers to efforts by the international community to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. One of the most significant events of the past 50 years was the Oslo Accords, a set of agreements that were first signed in 1993 by the Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It put in place a series of procedures based on United Nations (UN) resolutions for the eventual goal of an independent Palestinian state. To oversee this agreement the UN established the office of the special coordinator for the Middle East peace process. The coordinator's mandate is to lead the UN system in all political and diplomatic efforts related to the peace process. But nearly 30 years since its establishment, how has it affected Palestinians, Israelis and the broader region? And is there hope to achieve peace in the region? "There is no Middle East peace process," says Nickolay Mladenov, who has been the UN's special coordinator for the Middle East peace process since 2015. "I don't think either the Israeli or the Palestinian side - for various different reasons - are in a position to actually currently engage in meaningful negotiations.... I feel that a lot of our work currently is focused more on preventing war in Gaza ..., preserving the consensus internationally as much as possible on how the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be resolved, and really working quietly to build conditions for the future leadership on both sides to hopefully come back to the negotiating table in a meaningful manner." He points out that despite changing realities on the ground and ongoing conflict, "ultimately ... you have two million people in Gaza, three million people in the West Bank - and they are not going anywhere. As much as Israel has a right to stay ... in the land between the river and the sea, so do they." Mladenov shares his concerns about the future of the region and the situation in Gaza, and he says, "I am very fearful; if you look at the rest of the Middle East, if you look at Iraq, if you look at Syria. If you leave a community long enough marginalised, and disempowered and disenfranchised and segregated and closed, that community collapses and becomes a breeding ground for radicals. We don't want to see that happening," he says. "I fear every single day that we are just days away from another war in Gaza." The UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Nickolay Mladenov, talks to Al Jazeera about Jared Kushner's Middle East plans, Israeli settlements, and the challenges facing the Middle East. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

For years, private armies have provided services to governments around the world. They are often secretive and operate in the shadows. Blackwater - now known as Academi - is one of the most well-known private armies. It has provided troops and other services to the US government in different conflicts, including the Iraq war. But it is not always clear how these private armies are formed, where they operate, or even what their missions consist of. Eeben Barlow is chairman of 'Specialised Tasks, Training, Equipment and Protection International' - a private army that - according to Barlow - has operated throughout Africa and beyond. He was also behind another similar company that shut down in 1998 - called Executive Outcomes. And while many argue private armies are mercenaries doing the jobs governments do not want to do - Barlow insists his operations are legitimate and follow international law. So who makes sure these armies are indeed following international law? How do they operate? And is there accountability? Eeben Barlow provides an insight into the world of private military contractors as he talks to Al Jazeera about his company's role in fighting Boko Haram in Nigeria, the LRA in Uganda and other conflicts across Africa. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

For years, private armies have provided services to governments around the world. They are often secretive and operate in the shadows. Blackwater - now known as Academi - is one of the most well-known private armies. It has provided troops and other services to the US government in different conflicts, including the Iraq war. But it is not always clear how these private armies are formed, where they operate, or even what their missions consist of. Eeben Barlow is chairman of 'Specialised Tasks, Training, Equipment and Protection International' - a private army that - according to Barlow - has operated throughout Africa and beyond. He was also behind another similar company that shut down in 1998 - called Executive Outcomes. And while many argue private armies are mercenaries doing the jobs governments do not want to do - Barlow insists his operations are legitimate and follow international law. "We don't see ourselves as mercenaries. We are first of all contracted by a national government. We become part of their armed forces, we wear their uniforms, we follow their procedures and guidelines, we fall under the legal regulations of that country. So, in other words, we serve the country that contracts us. And yes, we get paid for it, but we certainly don't get paid to run around and cause chaos," says Barlow. Some private military contractors have been accused of prolonging conflicts instead of ending them, but Barlow believes that "there is a fine line between moral and immoral". "But that really goes back to the people that are involved ... We've never prolonged a conflict, in fact, we've ended them despite them carrying on for decades and decades. We've ended them in a very short space of time. But I am aware of companies that do not mind if the conflict continues because that's the goose that lays the golden egg, and they certainly don't want to stop it," says Barlow. He stresses the importance of cultural understanding and expertise needed to end conflicts across Africa. "We are after all Africans that work in Africa. But I do think there is a major concern that Africans can actually end African conflicts," says Barlow. "We look at all these private military companies going into Africa, they are just charging, they don't understand the environment they are in, they don't understand the area of operation, they don't understand the people and very quickly, they offend people ... If they are not going to add value and bring about ... stability and peace, then they shouldn't be there. But unfortunately, this has been allowed to drag on." So who makes sure these armies are indeed following international law? How do they operate? And is there accountability? Eeben Barlow provides an insight into the world of private military contractors as he talks to Al Jazeera about his company's role in fighting Boko Haram in Nigeria, the LRA in Uganda and other conflicts across Africa. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

In early 2018, a US-China trade war broke out with the two countries eventually imposing tariffs worth billions of dollars on each others' imports. As tensions between the world's two biggest economies continue, analysts warn of potential harm to the global economy. The IMF predicts that US-China trade tensions will have reduced global GDP by 0.8 percent by the beginning of next year, contributing to slowed global economic growth, which stands at 3 percent for 2019. Huiyao Wang, the founder and president of the Center for China and Globalization, agrees the trade war "certainly is a big deal" for China, calling the situation "unprecedented". "China and the US relations this year is exactly 40 years of diplomatic ties," he says. "China ... largely opened up to the US and actually, for the last four decades, there's bumps, there's up and downs, but not as big a surprise as I expect at this one." Wang claims that the tariffs have not affected business in China so much as possibly undermined confidence. "I don't think there is a lot of economic impact. There could be some psychological impact, people just perhaps withholding from further heavy investing or maybe rolling back a bit of the employment on that. But basically, I think both China and the US are looking towards stability and towards a deal that can be mutually beneficial." Meanwhile, Wang agrees that the effects of the trade war could reach beyond either countries' shores. "The thing about the China-US trade war is that it dampens confidence, it actually makes people reluctant to invest and also ... the value chain is hitted on that. Because China is in the epicentre of the global value chain. You know, a lot of things go through China," he says. "So, if China is really hitted by this trade war, all the other suppliers from other regions, from other countries, will all [be] affected ... So, in return that will have [an] effect on the US, as well. So, I don't see how the world economy will maintain such a strong growth and then them become effective." He says coming to an agreement with the US is critical, noting that recent negotiations have been a step in the right direction. "This partial deal that President Trump and China strike in the last month is absolutely crucial. Because if we do not do that, I mean the two biggest economic powers in the world and then, if they really fight ... all the others will suffer, absolutely. And then, we may drag the world into a recession. And that's quite possible, too, and we may have another financial crisis. Because this is really [an] alarming situation." - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

More than 60,000 people are currently detained in Italy's prisons. Of those, around one in 20 are women, one in 100 are juveniles, and some one in three are foreign prisoners. The jail featured in the documentary on the outskirts of the city of Verona houses several hundred prisoners including many from North Africa - serving sentences for a range of crimes, from drug trafficking to robbery to murder. Filmed entirely inside the jail over three years, Double Exile is the story of three men and a woman from North Africa whose dreams of a new life abroad ended behind bars. With rare access to both inmates and the prison regime, the film focuses on prisoners from Morocco and Tunisia who arrived in Italy hoping for a new life, only to descend into criminal behaviour and incarceration. One Tunisian tells how he began using drugs at the age of 18 in nightclubs. Soon he was selling narcotics to a few friends and before long he was a dealer, extravagantly displaying the trappings of sudden wealth, fast cars and cash aplenty. "I made a lot of money and back in Tunisia, people looked up to me," he says. " I arrived in prison, knowing nothing about it." Now more than two years into his sentence, he is still coming to terms to the daily grind of taking orders from prison guards. "I never imagined I'd have to take orders ... Prison teaches perseverance and dedication," he says. Another Moroccan recalls being smuggled into Spain before travelling to Italy. There he too became a drug dealer and lived the high life - wine, women and song every night - before his inevitable arrest. "Europeans in prisons in Arab countries wouldn't be abandoned by their home countries. But our countries don't care about us. We pay doubly for our mistakes," he says. "The laws here aren't in our favour." Inarguably the most shocking case featured in Double Exile is that of a Moroccan man who disapproved of his 18-year-old daughter dating an Italian man in his 30s. A fight broke out and the father stabbed his daughter, inflicting multiple wounds on the young woman. She died at the scene. Double Exile gives a rare insight into life in an Italian prison, a closeted environment where young North African men and women are jailed whenever their new lives abroad spiral into serious crime. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Since the 1990s, globalisation gave the impression that emerging markets were and could converge with developed nations. The BRICS and Next 11 became the latest investment craze. Hundreds of millions were lifted out of poverty and millions more climbed the social escalator into the middle class. But something has gone wrong. The end of the commodity supercycle and easy money came long before populism and the threat to globalisation. And it can be argued that most emerging market growth was attributable to China and India. To dissect what countries really want from globalisation and more importantly Foreign Direct Investment, our panel at the Doha Forum 2019 is at the cutting edge of policymaking. Panel: Arancha Gonzalez - executive director of the International Trade Centre Murat Emirdag - chief executive of Hepsiburada Ali Alwaleed Al Thani - chief executive of the Investment Promotion Agency Qatar Issam Abousleiman - regional director for the GCC at the World Bank - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Filmmaker: Hamza Elamin Every day, somewhere in the world, teams gather to play football. But rarely is "The Beautiful Game" played in the shadow of a bloody conflict that has claimed many thousands of lives. Darfur: Football for Peace follows a football tournament set in a refugee camp in North Darfur where passion for the game is high. Darfur covers a vast area of western Sudan and is synonymous with a conflict that is difficult to comprehend, except for its legacy. The conflict peaked in 2003 and remains largely unresolved. The UN estimates that war, famine and disease have cost some 300,000 lives, though the government of Sudan disputes this figure. An international aid response has brought some stability to Darfur where refugee camps the size of small cities are dotted throughout the region One such place is the Abu Shouk refugee camp. Established in 2004 at a time when the Darfur conflict was at its height, it has now become a home of sorts to a young generation whose only knowledge of their family roots come from stories told by their parents. Many are trapped with no homes to return to as the fighting left many villages in ashes. But despite everything, Abu Shouk is also a place where hope is still very much alive, a place where battle now takes place on a football pitch with young barefoot sporting warriors seeking glory on their own terms. This film features a group of boys hoping to win a locally organised football tournament. They call their team Al-Jabal al-Akhdar or The Green Mountain, named after a small mountain near the city from where they were displaced. The team's star striker is Eissa Adam, whose only memory is of life in the Abu Shouk refugee camp. Eissa's very survival was due to his mother's quick thinking, having rescued Eissa as a toddler at a time when their village was under attack by armed raiders. "When they attacked our village, I dressed my son like a girl so they wouldn't take him," Khadija Suleiman, Eissa's mother, tells Al Jazeera. Her strength in the face of adversity saved the life of not just her young son Eissa, but also her eldest son captured by the attackers. "To this day, when I think about how brave my mother was, tears run down my face. She saved me from those people," Al-Fatih Adam, Eissa's brother, says. During the holidays when Eissa is not at school, he leaves home early to buy and resell goods like perfumes, air fresheners and paper towels so he can pay his way, balancing his schooling with work. In the evening, Eissa returns to football training where he has gained popularity not just within his team, but throughout his community. "When I walk down the street, people stop and call my name even though I don't know them. It's because of football." - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Lebanon has been engulfed by nationwide anti-government protests which began in October. People are demanding an end to corruption, a change in the political system and better management of the economy. As a result, Prime Minister Saad Hariri handed in his resignation in late October. But protesters say that is not enough and have been calling for a complete overhaul of Lebanon's political system - and its sect-based power-sharing agreement. And as people chant in the streets against politicians, the one name that seems to be singled out often is Gebran Bassil, Lebanon's foreign minister. Bassil is President Michel Aoun's son-in-law and has previously held other ministerial positions without being an elected member of parliament. Many consider him to be one of the most divisive figures in their country. But Bassil says protesters are wrong to single him out and stresses that "the priority is to save the country". "We are paying the price of 30 years of wrong policies and corruption ... The country is at the verge of collapsing ... Our economy has all the ingredients to rise up again. This is the priority right now. And later on, justice will prevail, truth will be apparent to everybody," he says. "Lebanon is a country that is worth to survive. It is a model of diversity, pluralism and tolerance that is worth to preserve. We need Lebanon to be on its feet again to be that model of co-existence. If Lebanon vanishes it can only see extremism and terrorism in our region. So it's worth fighting for." Bassil believes that the one thing Lebanon needs is an efficient government. "We have a failed system but we don't want to have a failed state. The only salvation for Lebanon is a civil state. We are not there yet unfortunately, but we will fight for this first." He explains that they are working on a series of anti-corruption laws and believes that "with the people rising we have an exceptional opportunity to pass these laws". "This (the fight against corruption) is what's uniting us despite our political and religious differences. So we should seize the opportunity and unite all together," says Bassil. "The republic is in danger," he warns. "Lebanon is a country that is paying for the mistakes of everybody around us. And we are paying a lot, but I think Lebanon should be saved by its friends. And the first thing to do is to stop the external interventions in our country, and not to allow the Lebanese to intervene in others' affairs." At the 2019 Doha Forum, Lebanon's Foreign Minister, Gebran Bassil, talks to Al Jazeera about the uprising, the challenges facing Lebanon, his role in government, corruption and the best way to address the protesters' demands. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Mahathir Mohamad served as Malaysia's prime minister for 22 years from 1981 to 2003. But the 94-year-old veteran politician returned to politics a few years back to oppose the political force he was once a part of, the Barisan Nasional coalition, which had ruled Malaysia since its independence from Britain in 1957. During Mahathir's first tenure as Malaysia's prime minister, the country experienced a period of rapid modernisation and economic growth for the country's diverse population. Millions of Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists and Christians now live side by side in the country. "In order to grow a country, to develop a country the first need is for stability. Ours is a multiracial nation and normally multiracial nations are not stable. So the first job that I had to do was to make sure that all the races were together for the country. That means, of course, that all the different races are represented in the government and they can speak for their own race and also for the nation," he told Al Jazeera. "Because everybody has a fair share in the governance of the country, they feel satisfied that their problems will be taken care of and that leads to stability where development becomes possible." His life achievements were recognised at the opening session of Doha Forum 2019. During his acceptance speech, he did not hold back from expressing his views on the modern world. "Today's world is confronted with increased concern over the sustainability of global economic growth in the face of rising political, social, and environmental challenges," Mahathir said. And he initiated a talk about his country's foreign policy and need for global markets, noting that Malaysia lost out on a big market when the United States applied sanctions against Iran. "We don't believe in applying sanctions to force countries to accept certain ideologies and to change governments. It is not only the particular country that will suffer, but all the trading partners also will suffer economically. In a way, it is a form of dictatorship. A dictatorship that is worse than that in a country, it is international," he said. The Malaysian prime minister also discussed the state of the global economy and its interconnectedness. He argued the US is leading the world in the wrong direction when it comes to multilateralism. Commenting on the US-China trade war, Mahathir said, "Trade wars do not solve anything. They only antagonise people and other people not related to the war. There is too much politics involved ... if you follow economic rules ... perhaps you can solve the problem in a much much better way than confrontation and trying to destroy each other." "Becoming very nationalist is good. But not at the expense of other people. Every country should care about itself but that needing to be protective or secure doesn't mean confronting others. It's better if we learn to work together," he told Al Jazeera. "We were going a long way towards multilateralism. But now nationalism seems to affect many countries." For any leader no matter how great a run they have had in the office, one of the issues is when they will leave the political stage and what will happen next. The Malaysian leader suggested he may seek to stay in power beyond 2020 and said he could not guarantee who would succeed him as prime minister. Asked if he would step down in 2020, he said he wanted to fix problems created by the previous government before resigning - with a new economic plan slated to be achieved between 2025 and 2030. "This time around we want everybody to benefit, and not any particular group only," he said. Could the modernisation of Malaysia have happened without Mahathir? Is the Malaysian prime minister going to step down in 2020? And who would he endorse to be his successor? In this special edition of Talk to Al Jazeera at the Doha Forum 2019, Malaysia's Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad discusses his achievements, his vision for Malaysia, and the challenges the country faces. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/