Al Jazeera World

Located a three-hour drive outside of Cairo is Fadel Island, an isolated community nestled in the fertile lands of Egypt's Nile Delta. Few of its roughly 5,000 residents would call the area their ancestral home as more than 70 years ago their parents and grandparents travelled hundreds of kilometres to build a new life there. Their story begins in 1948 in the Palestinian town of Beer Saba'a, today part of southern Israel. The Bedouins who lived there were forcibly displaced from their homes in what Palestinians call Nakba - the catastrophe - the war that led to the creation of Israel. While most of Beer Saba'a's Arab population sought refuge by travelling east towards Jordan, a small number, thought to be about a few hundred people from the Namouly tribe journeyed west, crossing the Sinai desert before reaching the Nile Delta. Many who arrived in 1948 fully expected to return within a few months. Some would collect seeds hoping to plant in Palestinian soil. Today their descendants remain in Fadel Island where memories of Palestine still burn strong. Despite challenges they have faced since their arrival, they remain connected to their heritage and remarkable family story. Egypt's Fadel Island profiles a forgotten community as it adheres to its traditions and customs, tracing the tribe's history of uprooting - and the roots they have planted since. More from Al Jazeera World on: YouTube - http://aje.io/aljazeeraworldYT Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/AlJazeeraWorld Twitter - https://twitter.com/AlJazeera_World Visit our website - http://www.aljazeera.com/aljazeeraworld Subscribe to AJE on YouTube - http://aje.io/YTsubscribe

In Munich, global security policymakers gathered at the 56th Security Conference. Among them, Josep Borrell, the European Union’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy. Borrell faces challenges ranging from Brexit, US tariffs, the Iranian nuclear deal and managing relations with eastern giants like Russia and China to conflicts like those in Libya and Yemen. The list is long. Are the ties holding the EU member states together strong enough to withstand all this? Can they find a common vision? We will find out more as Josep Borrell, talks to Al Jazeera. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Mohamed Fezzani, a motor mechanic from the northern coastal town of Surman, is just one of the Libyan drivers and motorsport fans who are gathering for a rally in the desert in a still bitterly divided country. For Fezzani and the hundreds of drivers and fans, this is not just an escape from the endless factional violence, it is an opportunity to share their favourite sport with kindred spirits from all over Libya. Before the revolution, the highlight of the sporting year for Libyans like Mohamed was the international desert car and motorbike rally. The rally stopped in 2011 when the event moved abroad. It is now known as the Moroccan Desert Challenge. A couple of years after the fall of Muammar Gaddafi, smaller rallies started up again in Libya, despite the obvious challenges. One fan says that many Libyans could not take part in the 2016 rally because they "were fighting a war against ISIL [(ISIL) armed group] in Sirte", a coastal city in Libya. In 2018, however, Fezzani and his team decided to brave the 600-kilometre (372-mile) journey to the southern desert city of Waddan for three days of intensive four-wheeled action. But hardly anything went according to plan during the trip. Mohamed's journey to Waddan highlights the effect of years of conflict on the people of Libya. Even finding enough fuel to leave town is tricky, despite the country ranking as one of the top 20 oil-producing countries in the world. Despite the many challenges, fans are proud that the rally unites a diverse range of Libyans from across the country. "Here we don't ask the participants about their cities of origin, we don't care about politics. Libya is one family and we consider each other as brothers." - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

"Every civilisation sees itself as the centre of the world and writes its history as the central drama of human history," wrote political scientist Samuel Huntington in The Clash of Civilizations. And it is precisely due to our poor understanding - or lack of will to understand - others' cultures that the world is as polarised as ever. The idea of living as part of a global village is slowly fading away, allowing for the rise of nationalism. So, can we improve relations and cooperation among nations and people? Across societies, cultures and religions? Or is the clash of civilisations inevitable? We explore this and more as United Nations High Representative for the Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC) Miguel Angel Moratinos, talks to Al Jazeera. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

This film goes behind the scenes with Palestinian icon and musical virtuoso, Simon Shaheen, one of the most significant and celebrated Arab musicians of his generation. Born into a large musical family from a village in northern Galilee, Shaheen was inspired by his father. “He introduced me to the secrets of classical Arab music,” Simon Shaheen says of his father Hikmat Shaheen, who was an oud player, teacher and composer. Since childhood, Simon Shaheen's artistic hunger and dynamic personality have helped him move from his native Palestine to cross cultural boundaries. He won a music scholarship from Columbia University in New York and later settled in the United States. But he looked to Palestine, the land of his birth, and to other parts of the Middle East, for the next generation of Arab musical talent. This film shows a series of Skype auditions with Shaheen in the US and his potential students in Haifa. From his base in Boston, Massachusetts, Shaheen has specialised in combining traditional Arabic music with Western classical and jazz; and his unique style has drawn followers from across the globe. For more than 20 years, Shaheen has also been leading a week-long Arabic musical retreat at a centre in rural Massachusetts. “Part of this retreat is to introduce Arabic music theory in a new, innovative way and from a different viewpoint,” Shaheen says. For successful young musicians, the retreat is an opportunity to study under one of the most significant musical teachers of a generation whose continuing desire to adapt and change is one of his greatest gifts. “I like to use the ideas of different music from different countries like Egyptian, Syrian, and Palestinian music, Lebanese, Moroccan, Tunisian and Iraqi music,” Shaheen says. He adds: “For sure, many of these musical styles have a lot in common but there are differences as well.” Violinist Layth Sidiq has attended Shaheen’s retreats. “I went deeper into Arabic music with Simon which made me appreciate my musical roots,” he says. “This encouraged me first to expand my understanding of Arabic music within me before I can share it with others. At the same time I can learn about other music and cultures and if possible merge the two together." - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

The Nile River, at 7,000 kilometres (4,350 miles), is Africa's longest river. Its waters run through 11 countries and for the 280 million people living alongside its banks, the Nile symbolises life itself. Just as it did for those who settled along the river centuries ago. Some fear if the dispute is not resolved, the Nile will dry up. One of the loudest voices fighting to save the river, explains exactly what is at stake. Dr Essam Heggy, a scientist from the University of Southern California and member of the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory, talks to Al Jazeera and explains the significance of the Nile River. "The Nile River is a very unique ecosystem, it's a very unique hydrological system, it is a very unique water body on our plane," Heggy says, explaining that the Nile is the only giant river that goes from the South to North and through five different climatic zones. He also points out that the Nile is one of the oldest and most unique ecosystems on the planet. "The Nile River is twenty to thirty million years old. Today we don't know how we can make rivers flow in a constant way for this amount of time … its existence helps us understand the Earth's evolution." But a huge new project in Ethiopia has triggered a big dispute with Egypt and scientists are warning construction of the Renaissance Dam, aimed at boosting Ethiopia's electricity source, could cause irreversible damage, not only in Egypt but the entire region. "It's a great river but in a very challenging place," Heggy says. "This whole conception that you can suffocate the Nile, and yet benefit out of its resources, from the environmental perspective, it is wrong." - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Tensions between the United States and Iran escalated in early January after US President Donald Trump ordered the killing of top Iranian military commander Qassem Soleimani. The attack also killed Iraq's Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, the deputy commander of Iran-backed militias known as the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF). In response, Iran fired more than a dozen missiles at two US bases. All of that was happening on Iraqi soil, a nation once again caught up between a regional giant and a military superpower. Trump is adamant that the attack was "self-defence" and that Soleimani posed an imminent threat - which was contradicted by Iran and the Iraqi prime minister. And Iran says it's delivered "a slap in the face" with a missile strike which will usher in the end of US presence in the Middle East. So is the latest US-Iran crisis really over? Will the US heed calls for its forces to leave Iraq? Al Jazeera was given rare access to the sprawling Ain al-Assad base after the Iranian strike. We asked the US-led coalition if the threats from Iran-backed militias still loom. And in a rare TV appearance, Mohammad Mohie, spokesman of the Iran-backed Shia paramilitary group Kataib Hezbollah, talks to Al Jazeera. Asked about the US government calling Kataib Hezbollah a threat to Iraq's peace and security, Mohie says: "We are Iraqis and from Iraqi soil. We have confronted US troops; they were occupation troops according to the UN. After 2003, the US troops were occupation troops so it was the right of the Iraqi people to resist. And with our joint efforts we expelled US troops. So the return of the US troops to this area is stirring problems by inciting violence and supporting terrorist groups and Takfiris. Those groups threaten the security of the region, this is the main reason for instability in the Middle East and it is the main threat to everyone’s security. We are the sons of this area, we have the right to defend it, to live in it peacefully." - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Details surrounding the political assassination of Ibrahim al-Hamdi, president of North Yemen, in 1977 are stranger than fiction. Al-Hamdi, viewed by many as a reformer and modernist, came to power in a bloodless coup in June 1974 at a time when Yemen was divided into two countries: North Yemen, where al-Hamdi was president and Marxist South Yemen. As a moderniser, al-Hamdi pushed for Yemeni unification and was due to travel to Aden to meet with his southern counterpart in October 1977. Two days before that meeting was due to take place, al-Hamdi was invited to lunch at the home of his army commander Ahmed al-Ghashmi. On arrival, al-Hamdi was taken past the dignitaries and brought to a room where on the floor lay the body of his brother. According to an eyewitness, al-Hamdi was then murdered at the scene. The exact details of his death remain a mystery. Some claim he was shot dead in a drive-by shooting. A more lurid account places al-Hamdi's body and that of his brother alongside those of two young French women, who some speculate may have been spies, high class escorts, or both. While nobody was ever charged with the murder, the list of suspects included two future Yemeni presidents, tribal enemies opposed to al-Hamdi's erosion of their power and forces loyal to neighbouring Saudi Arabia, who vigorously denied involvement in the murder. The assassination of al-Hamdi still resonates today. More than 40 years on, his family and supporters still search for answers. And with few witnesses left alive, calls for accountability and closure are more pressing than ever. Yemen: The Last Lunch traces the events leading up to Ibrahim al-Hamdi's murder and how his death steered the course of a country deeply divided. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Haiti was the first black republic in the 19th century, created by a revolution that overthrew slavery maintained by French colonial rule. But independence came at a cost, and Haiti had to pay billions in compensation which left the country bankrupt since its creation. Added to the nation's bankruptcy, high levels of inequality and poverty have persisted over the years, and political attempts to fight corruption have not ended well. Jean Bertrand Aristide, the country's first democratically-elected president in 1994, was removed from office twice when he confronted the country's elite. In 2010, a powerful 7.0 earthquake left the country destroyed and killed between 200,000 and 300,000 people. The earthquake left over 1.5 million people displaced and the international community saw the disaster as an opportunity to rethink foreign aid. But little has changed in Haiti, a decade after the devastating earthquake. Haiti's President Jovenel Moise talks to Al Jazeera about reconstruction efforts and what is next for the country. "We must not confuse the post-earthquake crisis with the socio-economic crisis that we are currently going through in Haiti. The socio-economic crisis is a permanent crisis.The state we have today is a predatory state that is governed by a few corrupt oligarchs who seek to control the key areas of development," Moise explains. Over $13bn were pledged to help Haiti recover from the earthquake. But only half of that money was released, according to the UN, and Haitians only received half of the money they were promised by donors led by the United States. Much of the funds were spent on short-term programmes to assist people with food, water and healthcare. "This money should have been spent on building villages around Port-au-Prince, villages which would provide homes for I would say, tens of thousands of families. In terms of results, no reconstruction has actually taken place and I am someone who believes in lasting structural development," says Moise. Last year thousands took to the streets to protest against corruption, demanding the resignation of President Jovenel Moise. "Today it is as if I am being crucified, people are shouting: 'Crucify him! Crucify him! Crucify him!'," Moise says arguing that he has been fighting against corruption despite the accusations from protesters. Moise was mentioned in a corruption scandal involving the PetroCaribe fund, a strategic oil alliance signed with Venezuela where Haiti, the poorest country in the Americas, bought subsidised oil from Venezuela. The Haitian government was supposed to use the extra money for social programmes and to advance the economy. But billions from the fund were embezzled by those in charge and President Moise was mentioned in a 600-page investigation. "I was placed on a cross and I descended from it to talk to the people to tell them that is was not my aim to work against them and now the people are beginning to understand," he says. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Filmmaker: Sameh Mejri The Shame of my Name is the story of how some Algerians during the colonial period were forced to change their names by French colonial authorities at the time. Many of the names these Algerians were forced to carry hold demeaning and even vulgar meanings. The burden of these forced names is still carried by some Algerians to this day. The names were in the local Algerian Arabic dialect and cover a range of vulgar words, including descriptions of bodily functions and genitalia. In this film, we meet several of these individuals whose families were forced to carry names which translate as "Arse," "Runny Nose" and even more offensive monikers. One contributor finds her name so offensive that she cannot bring herself to utter it. She has since changed her name. “I go home and rest my head on the pillow. I pray to God to rid me of that ugly name which had become a curse in my everyday life,” Messaoud Bakhti tells Al Jazeera. Bakhti’s forefathers were forcibly called "Gahroum" which in the Algerian dialect means "Arse" - a name having nothing to do with the heritage of his ancestors. In 1882, 50 years after the French colonisation of Algeria, the French introduced the Civil Status Law. This allowed the authorities to impose approved names on Algerians arbitrarily. The decree stated that names would be in the “European style”, with a first name followed by the family name, which was quite different from traditional Muslim names. But beyond this, the law was frequently interpreted by some officials in ways that demeaned and insulted Algerians. And assigning European-style names to Algerians, whether offensive or not, had another important side effect. It muddied the waters of land ownership, making it difficult for some Algerians to prove their rightful title to their land. All of which means that now the spotlight is on France, with many Algerians saying that it is the responsibility of the French government and theirs alone, to pick up the pieces of this particular French colonial policy. Some say a full apology is long overdue and that reparations should be paid. “Yes, the French colonisers are responsible for this. But I also believe post-independent Algeria is responsible too,” Amel Ali Lhadfi, a former victim of obscene naming, says. She believes Algerian authorities could make it easy to settle this problem if they wanted to or at least the process should not take such a long time. "Whoever decides to change their name has to realise it may take 10 years.” - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

With Libya's civil war now in its sixth year, world leaders gathered at a summit in Berlin in an attempt to restore stability and peace to Libya. The summit was aimed at a stronger commitment from world powers and regional actors to non-interference in the oil-rich North African state and to genuinely support a fragile ceasefire. All participating parties pledged to respect a UN-imposed arms embargo that has so far failed to stop an influx of troops, money and weapons to the country. Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj, who leads the internationally recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) based in Tripoli, and renegade military commander Khalifa Haftar, who heads the eastern-based Libyan National Army (LNA), attended the talks, but not in the same room. "The main cause of the Libyan crisis is the hostile foreign interventions," Fayez al-Sarraj told Al Jazeera in an exclusive interview. "Violations to the arms embargo have been taking place for years. This is what led the opposition to believe that they have military power and pushed them away from finding a political solution. This is because of its excessive military and security support." Al-Sarraj says a political solution is the only way to end the conflict and that they don't want to become "another Syria or a source of conflict or a proxy war on Libyan soil". "We know that some countries, including Russia, have interests and ambitions in Libya ... We wonder why the UAE is building a military base in eastern Libya, sending its planes and supporting one side at the expense of the other ... It is not correct to recognise a party and then support the other party the way they are doing it." "Libya, in its current situation, leads to security problems and terrorism, uncontrolled borders and violence. This can impact neighbouring countries, too," he warned. "Everyone is now talking about stopping the flow of arms to Libya. We hope that this will be the last conference. And hopefully, the Libyan crisis will finally be resolved." Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj talks to Al Jazeera about the Berlin summit, foreign interference in Libya and his hopes for the future. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

In January 2019, Juan Guaido, the almost unknown president of Venezuela's opposition-controlled national assembly took his country and the world by surprise: Guaido declared himself interim president of Venezuela. The justification was that President Nicolas Maduro was not a legitimately elected leader but an usurpator and dictator. Venezuelans, desperate for economic and political change, rushed to show their support. And with the US leading the charge, nearly 60 countries followed suit. But 12 months later, the promise of political change seems to have evaporated. With help from China, Russia, Iran and others Maduro has circumvented harsh economic sanctions meant to force him out. Negotiations to allow new presidential elections have failed miserably, as has Guaido's appeal to the army to support regime change. Maduro has retaliated by arresting or exiling scores of opponents. Driven by worsening poverty and hyperinflation, disheartened Venezuelans have joined the unprecedented exodus of millions of their compatriots to neighbouring countries. On January 5, soldiers surrounded parliament to block Guaido's reelection as speaker of the house while the pro-government minority named someone of its choosing. While much of the international community calls the latest conflict escalation a sham, and continues to recognise Guaido as the leader of Venezuela's only independent institution, the crisis seems to be reaching a new tipping point. And the possibility of regime change seems like a very distant possibility. So, what is next for Guaido and Venezuela? Has Guaido underestimated Maduro's resilience? And how can Guaido stop the military-based government from consolidating its power? - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

Filmmakers: Mohammad Amr and Nasser Farghaly Al Jazeera World with a series of films titled Arabs Abroad sources emigration success stories from all parts of the world. This film documents two Arabs abroad whose life and work reflects people with disabilities. The Paralympian Abderrahman Ait Khamouch represents his adopted country Spain as a Paralympic athlete, gaining accolades and awards including three Olympic silver medals. His story begins several hundred kilometres to the south, with a traumatic childhood accident in the small Moroccan village where he was raised. He was just eight years old when his right arm was burned by a bonfire, after which he jumped into a well to quell the pain. He suffered a severe fracture and infection which resulted in his arm being amputated. “When the doctor saw me, he told my brother I had just 24 hours to live. That night, the doctor amputated my right arm,” Abderrahman Ait Khamouch tells Al Jazeera. As a young adult, Ait Khamouch migrated to Spain in a small boat along with 40 other people. He later became a world-class long-distance runner, despite facing challenges finding work as a person with a disability. “I was motivated by the goal of helping my family in the village of Melaab. I also wanted to prove to myself that one day I could be successful and to show the others I could do it.” The Bone Maker Dr Hala Zreiqat is a Jordanian living in Sydney, Australia’s biggest city. She has become a world leader in regenerative medicine, designing synthetic bone implants using 3D printing. She uses cutting-edge technology and ceramic material to create bone implants which have been successfully tested in animals. Human trials of her 3D printed bones are just around the corner. “My ultimate goal is to see our inventions used by people so that humanity can benefit from our work,” Zreiqat tells Al Jazeera. Her work reflects the future of 3D printing technology that may include better treatment options for millions of people around the world. Zreiqat is Professor of Biomedical Engineering at The University of Sydney in Australia and has earned recognition in her adopted country. In 2018, Zreiqat was named New South Wales Woman of the Year for her outstanding contribution to medical research. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

The Middle East peace process is a term that has been used by world leaders time and time again. It refers to efforts by the international community to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. One of the most significant events of the past 50 years was the Oslo Accords, a set of agreements that were first signed in 1993 by the Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It put in place a series of procedures based on United Nations (UN) resolutions for the eventual goal of an independent Palestinian state. To oversee this agreement the UN established the office of the special coordinator for the Middle East peace process. The coordinator's mandate is to lead the UN system in all political and diplomatic efforts related to the peace process. But nearly 30 years since its establishment, how has it affected Palestinians, Israelis and the broader region? And is there hope to achieve peace in the region? "There is no Middle East peace process," says Nickolay Mladenov, who has been the UN's special coordinator for the Middle East peace process since 2015. "I don't think either the Israeli or the Palestinian side - for various different reasons - are in a position to actually currently engage in meaningful negotiations.... I feel that a lot of our work currently is focused more on preventing war in Gaza ..., preserving the consensus internationally as much as possible on how the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be resolved, and really working quietly to build conditions for the future leadership on both sides to hopefully come back to the negotiating table in a meaningful manner." He points out that despite changing realities on the ground and ongoing conflict, "ultimately ... you have two million people in Gaza, three million people in the West Bank - and they are not going anywhere. As much as Israel has a right to stay ... in the land between the river and the sea, so do they." Mladenov shares his concerns about the future of the region and the situation in Gaza, and he says, "I am very fearful; if you look at the rest of the Middle East, if you look at Iraq, if you look at Syria. If you leave a community long enough marginalised, and disempowered and disenfranchised and segregated and closed, that community collapses and becomes a breeding ground for radicals. We don't want to see that happening," he says. "I fear every single day that we are just days away from another war in Gaza." The UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Nickolay Mladenov, talks to Al Jazeera about Jared Kushner's Middle East plans, Israeli settlements, and the challenges facing the Middle East. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/

For years, private armies have provided services to governments around the world. They are often secretive and operate in the shadows. Blackwater - now known as Academi - is one of the most well-known private armies. It has provided troops and other services to the US government in different conflicts, including the Iraq war. But it is not always clear how these private armies are formed, where they operate, or even what their missions consist of. Eeben Barlow is chairman of 'Specialised Tasks, Training, Equipment and Protection International' - a private army that - according to Barlow - has operated throughout Africa and beyond. He was also behind another similar company that shut down in 1998 - called Executive Outcomes. And while many argue private armies are mercenaries doing the jobs governments do not want to do - Barlow insists his operations are legitimate and follow international law. So who makes sure these armies are indeed following international law? How do they operate? And is there accountability? Eeben Barlow provides an insight into the world of private military contractors as he talks to Al Jazeera about his company's role in fighting Boko Haram in Nigeria, the LRA in Uganda and other conflicts across Africa. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: https://www.aljazeera.com/