Al Jazeera World

Moroccans who have spent all their working lives in France and the Netherlands are now facing discrimination against their pensions in what has been slammed as a form of 'retirement apartheid'. Retired French and Italians can live anywhere in Europe without it affecting their domestic pension entitlements; but north Africans who've lived and worked in France for more than 40 years are denied the same rights. Instead they face a stark choice - return to their home countries and lose large slices of their pension and face medical bills they can't afford; or remain in, say, France with their full pensions but away from their families back home. "I'm sick," says 75-year-old Mohamed Air Wakrim who's lived in France for 45 years. "If I stay in Morocco for more than six months, they'll find out and take away my rights." Contrast this with the treatment of Europeans and you have what some people have called 'retirement apartheid'. "In Tunisia, I only have to pay four or five percent tax," says Italian pensioner Mauro Sansovini. "In Italy, the tax rate on my pension income is between 40 and 45 percent." Salim Fkire who heads the campaign group 'Moroccans Residing Abroad' sums up the situation: "Mohamed and Patrick both worked in the same factory, got the same pension and paid the same taxes. Today, Patrick has the right to live permanently in Agadir. But Mohamed can't stay in his home town for more than six months. After that he’ll have to return to France or else he’ll lose his social rights." In The Retirement Trap, we look at the struggles of Moroccans to redress this pension injustice and escape the retirement trap they find themselves in. - Subscribe to our channel: http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check out our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

Bulgaria's ethnic Turkish community, persecuted and even deported last century, continues its fight for recognition. - Subscribe to our channel: http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check out our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

Bulgaria's ethnic Turkish community, persecuted and even deported last century, continues its fight for recognition. - Subscribe to our channel: http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check out our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

Moroccan family law is built around the Moudawana, a family code that governs marriage, divorce, child custody, maintenance and the division of assets. Adapting well-established traditions, it has been in existence since the 1950s; but, historically, marriage - and divorce - had always been in the hands of men. But in recent decades the Moudawana has faced pressure from civil society groups and women's rights campaigners to introduce reforms, prompting King Mohamed VI to appoint a commission to examine its principles and practice in October 2003. Its findings have resulted in more rights for women and updates to many of its rules, particularly in introducing new types of divorce, including for "irreconcilable differences". In Marriage and Divorce in Morocco we look at a host of areas affected by the family code including registration of marriage, division of assets, maintenance, domestic violence, rape, and the effects on men who find themselves in abusive relationships. We hear from lawyers, judges, social commentators and also ex-wives and ex-husbands - like Fadma Amzil, who had a Fatiha marriage, but which was not registered with the civil authorities. "I only had a Fatiha marriage," she says. "He got married to another woman and their marriage was registered. My situation would have been different if my marriage had been registered." We also speak to critics of the code who argue that some discrimination has survived the 2004 reforms. We hear from the family of Amina Filali, a 16-year-old whose case grabbed headlines when she took her own life after being forced to marry her alleged rapist. A loophole in the law, penal code article 475, meant a rapist could evade prosecution if he married his victim. This film looks at the human stories behind the Moudawana, how it has modernised family law, and at the progress it still probably needs to make.

Moroccan family law is built around the Moudawana, a family code that governs marriage, divorce, child custody, maintenance and the division of assets. Adapting well-established traditions, it has been in existence since the 1950s; but, historically, marriage - and divorce - had always been in the hands of men. But in recent decades the Moudawana has faced pressure from civil society groups and women's rights campaigners to introduce reforms, prompting King Mohamed VI to appoint a commission to examine its principles and practice in October 2003. Its findings have resulted in more rights for women and updates to many of its rules, particularly in introducing new types of divorce, including for "irreconcilable differences". In Marriage and Divorce in Morocco we look at a host of areas affected by the family code including registration of marriage, division of assets, maintenance, domestic violence, rape, and the effects on men who find themselves in abusive relationships. We hear from lawyers, judges, social commentators and also ex-wives and ex-husbands - like Fadma Amzil, who had a Fatiha marriage, but which was not registered with the civil authorities. "I only had a Fatiha marriage," she says. "He got married to another woman and their marriage was registered. My situation would have been different if my marriage had been registered." We also speak to critics of the code who argue that some discrimination has survived the 2004 reforms. We hear from the family of Amina Filali, a 16-year-old whose case grabbed headlines when she took her own life after being forced to marry her alleged rapist. A loophole in the law, penal code article 475, meant a rapist could evade prosecution if he married his victim. This film looks at the human stories behind the Moudawana, how it has modernised family law, and at the progress it still probably needs to make.

For the past 16 years, Huseyin Gunduz has dreamt of building a mosque in the Dutch capital, Amsterdam. Having had to perform congregational prayers in factories, community centres and people's basements; he has spent years campaigning and fundraising to build a place of worship and make his dream a reality. In The Mosque of West Amsterdam, we follow Huseyin as work finally nears completion on the Western Mosque. "The thought of the outcome and success leaves me speechless," he says. "I believe we'll be rewarded in the afterlife for our contribution and efforts." Known locally as Westermoskee, the structure - modeled on Istanbul's iconic Hagia Sophia - is in urgent need of funds to be completed. From its conception, in the early 1990s, to the present day - construction has been fraught with controversy, as well as political and financial difficulties. Planning problems, corruption scandals, local opposition and anti-Islamic prejudice have plagued the project, halting development for nearly a decade. The extreme-right leader Geert Wilders, whose Freedom Party is riding high in the opinion polls, has also been an outspoken critic, leading to growing local opposition. This film looks at how Huseyin tries to raise the capital necessary for development while trying to bridge relations with residents who are growing increasingly weary of the mosque. - Subscribe to our channel: http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check out our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

For the past 16 years, Huseyin Gunduz has dreamt of building a mosque in the Dutch capital, Amsterdam. Having had to perform congregational prayers in factories, community centres and people's basements; he has spent years campaigning and fundraising to build a place of worship and make his dream a reality. In The Mosque of West Amsterdam, we follow Huseyin as work finally nears completion on the Western Mosque. "The thought of the outcome and success leaves me speechless," he says. "I believe we'll be rewarded in the afterlife for our contribution and efforts." Known locally as Westermoskee, the structure - modeled on Istanbul's iconic Hagia Sophia - is in urgent need of funds to be completed. From its conception, in the early 1990s, to the present day - construction has been fraught with controversy, as well as political and financial difficulties. Planning problems, corruption scandals, local opposition and anti-Islamic prejudice have plagued the project, halting development for nearly a decade. The extreme-right leader Geert Wilders, whose Freedom Party is riding high in the opinion polls, has also been an outspoken critic, leading to growing local opposition. This film looks at how Huseyin tries to raise the capital necessary for development while trying to bridge relations with residents who are growing increasingly weary of the mosque. - Subscribe to our channel: http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check out our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

The story of King Idris I, who unified Libya and became its first king in 1951 before being toppled by Gaddafi in 1969. -Subscribe to our channel: http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe -Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish -Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera -Check our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

The story of King Idris I, who unified Libya and became its first king in 1951 before being toppled by Gaddafi in 1969. -Subscribe to our channel: http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe -Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish -Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera -Check our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

The story of King Idris I who unified Libya and became its first - and last - king before being toppled by Gaddafi in 1969. -Subscribe to our channel http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe -Follow us on Twitter https://twitter.com/AJEnglish -Find us on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera -Check our website http://www.aljazeera.com/

The story of King Idris I who unified Libya and became its first - and last - king before being toppled by Gaddafi in 1969. -Subscribe to our channel http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe -Follow us on Twitter https://twitter.com/AJEnglish -Find us on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera -Check our website http://www.aljazeera.com/

The al-Aqsa Mosque compound – of historical and religious importance to both Muslims and Jews and a point of tension between Israelis and Palestinians. -Subscribe to our channel: http://bit.ly/AJSubscribe -Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish -Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera -Check out our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

Generations of Lebanese migrants call Africa home. We look at their achievements, challenges and search for identity.

Nearly half-a-million blind people live in Turkey. While attitudes are gradually changing in Turkey, awareness of blindness tends to lag behind awareness and understanding of disability in some other parts of the world. In Seeing Isn't Everything four blind people living in Istanbul talk about how they are all too often defined through their disability and want to challenge social perceptions about what it means to live without sight. One of them is Burcak Souoglu who lost her sight aged four. She is now a single mother after her husband left her with two children. She works on the switchboard at Marmara University. She lacks confidence out on the often frenetic streets of Istanbul - but as a devoted mother derives immense satisfaction from raising her two children. Burcak's younger sister, Gamze, has five percent of her sight. "I can distinguish big objects…and also the main colours… When you're a teenager you take your physical appearance very seriously…but you don't know what you look like," she says. Still Gamze, like the other three characters in this film, exudes positivity. "Gaining pleasure from something isn't always related to seeing. Seeing isn't everything." All four of them talk about their personal strategies for leading full lives and challenging perceptions about the blind, particularly in Turkey.

Switzerland is proud of being a democracy, of being internationally neutral and of not having been involved in conflict since a civil war in 1848. But is still has the second largest armed force per head of population in the world. Why? Military service is mandatory with almost all eligible males trained as soldiers and women also serving as volunteers: "For me, joining the army was patriotic decision," says Sergeant Laetitia Geiser. "I'm intrigued when it comes to serving my country." Military training camps are a common across Switzerland, as are civilians carrying shotguns over their shoulders. Behind only the US and Yemen in the number of guns per capita; there are around 29 guns for every 100 people. And in a country of only 8 million people, that means at least one in four households has a gun. The pro-military culture has made target shooting a popular national sport, even amongst children. "I inherited my passion for shooting from my parents," says nine-year old Luca. Despite the strong gun culture, there are rarely more than forty gun homicides a year, compared with the US - with its 30,000 gun murders a year and 31 every day. Nonetheless, a fresh debate over gun control has been rekindled in Switzerland. Sandro Cattacin from Geneva University doesn't believe keeping arms at home creates greater security; and anti-gun lobbyist Amanda Gavilanes launched a campaign five years ago with the slogan "for a better protection from armed violence." But with guns so engrained in Swiss culture and the crime statistics so relatively low, is it a debate that will ever lead anywhere?